Sigerswâld, that does not sound Dutch?

The use of visual bilingualism through the autochthonous linguistics naming of places in the province of Frisia.

It is a well-known sight for everyone who has ever travelled through the province of Frisia: the ravel of place name signs. Some of the villages in the province of Frisia are indicated in Dutch, others in Frisian, others in both Dutch and Frisian and hamlets are almost always indicated in only Frisian, even if the place names in the hamlet are formally indicated in only Dutch. If the town is officially indicated in Dutch but the place names also are indicated in Frisian, the Dutch name will be above the Frisian name on the sign. If the town if officially indicated in Frisian, then the Frisian name will be above the Dutch name. To make it all even more confusing, different villages use different spellings of Frisian, depending on the area they are in, and therefore there is a big variety in Frisian place name signs.¹ Bilingual signs are not only used by the Frisian minority but other minorities, such as the Kashubs and Lemkos in Poland and the Welsh in England, have been using bilingual signs in their region as well. But why are bilingual signs so important to all of them?

For that, we will have to travel back in time, to the 20th century. During this time, the transmission of minority languages from the older generation to the younger generation was seriously declined. Members of these linguistic minority communities lost their linguistic diversity, which diminished their differentiation from the majority. People belonging to the minority started listening and watching the same tv programs and radio shows and started using the same language in public life. For most national governments this centralization process was viewed as something favourable, as it followed their western ideology of one nation, one culture, one language, where there was no place for minorities. The only differences left were visible in the form of ethnic characteristics separating some minority cultures from the dominant ones.

But all this changed during the 1960’s and 70’s when a new socialist movement arose in Europe. This movement led the way in the development of ethnic revival, where the minority started to revitalize and motivated the use of its own language and culture. Minorities started to construct and reconnect with their cultural identity in the regions where there was no linguistic diversity left anymore.²

Today being part of a minority is based on more than just essentialist facts such as place of birth, ethnic ties and cultural practices. It can be seen as an individual's choice, to participate and use its minority rights. Cultural heritage is important for the minority, as it portrays its regional resources in all its forms, be it natural or crafted by its own hands.³

In addition to that, bilingual signs can be seen as part of a ‘unique social space’ where the minority’s past can be revisited. This phenomenon called ‘heritage scape’ illustrates both the concrete as well as the abstract qualities of the cultural heritage site. Bilingual signs in Frisia follow the three guiding principles of the heritage scape as such. Firstly, bilingual signs represent the boundaries of the landscape of heritage. On the one hand, bilingual signs can be seen as the literal demarcations of the towns within the province. However, they can also be seen as the figurative boundaries of the Frisian language as the signs are only present within Frisia. So, they can only fulfil this purpose within these boundaries. Secondly, bilingual signs portray cohesion within Frisia as they illustrate the uniformity of the province. By being omnipresent all over the province, the signs create an invisible link between the different hamlets and towns (as well as between their citizens, creating social cohesion). Thirdly, bilingual signs are both physically visible as well as culturally invisible. For instance, bilingual signs can be seen as physical objects fulfilling a specific purpose, namely indicating the town name. On the other hand, bilingual signs are only culturally visible when pointed out by an outsider. For the Frisians themselves, their cultural purpose may be taken for granted as it is normal for them that they are there.⁴

For some people living in the province of Frisia, the use of Frisian place names is not of high importance. A questionnaire done by the Frisian national party (FNP) in the municipality Smallingerland showed some unexpected results. In 2017, they sent out a bilingual, Dutch/Frisian questionnaire to 400 inhabitants asking them how important the use of Frisian place names is to them. From these surveys, 46% were non-Frisian speakers and from them, only 32% percent found the use of this linguistic landscape element important, where 66% of native Frisian speakers found this of high importance.⁵ From these results, do you think the right to use visual bilingualism should be defended in the local council of Smallingerland? And why do you think there is such a difference between non-Frisian speakers and Frisian speakers?


Authors: D v.d. K, J. G. and J.D.M

1."Fryslân." Plaatsengids.nl. 2018. Accessed March 6, 2018. https://www.plaatsengids.nl/fryslân.

2. Dołowy-Rybińska, Nicole. “The Europe of Minorities: Cultural Landscapes and Ethnic Boundaries.” Art Inquiry. Recherches sur les arts, 15 (2011): 125-137.
3. Lowenthal, David “Natural and cultural heritage.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 11, no. 1 (2005): 81-92.
4. Garden, Mary-Catherine E. “The Heritagescape: Looking at Landscapes of the Past.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 12, no. 5 (2006): 394-411.
5. Wester, Fokke. "Enquête FNP: geen Friese plaatsnamen in Smallingerland." Drachtster Courant, April 19, 2017. Accessed March 6, 2018. http://www.drachtstercourant.nl/nieuws/85300/enquete-fnp-geen-friese-plaatsnamen-in-smallingerland/.

Photo: Jan Willem van Aalst - Topografische overzichtskaart van de Nederlandse provincie Friesland per 2018.